Important meeting place of the Communist Party of Poland — Demolition of the building near the school — Historical plaque on Żelazna 89 — Shocking pre-war fate of communist activists — Marcjanna Fornalska and her children — PWN Encyclopedia — Communist lies about their own comrades — Footnote for History Enthusiasts: More About the Author of Żmijka — Bronisław Owsianko (Optional Reading 😂)
PREVIOUS INSTALLMENT-PART 2
Not so long ago, in the Polish magazine “Płomyk” no. 23 & 24 from December 25, 1975, I found an article titled “Żmijka. From the memories of a KPP activist” by Bronisław Owsianko. It concerned an apartment in the building at 89 Żelazna Street in Warsaw, where the author’s family lived together with a dog named “Żmijka” (“Viper”), and which became an important site of activity of the illegal Communist Party of Poland (KPP, active in the interwar Second Polish Republic and banned in 1938).
 |
Sabina Owsianko (the author's mother) and Stefan Królikowski, a frequent visitor to the underground club on Żelazna Street, in exile in Moscow (photo from 1934). Unfortunately, comrade Królikowski never returned to Poland from this exile... The photo comes from the magazine "Płomyk" from the article "Żmijka" |
~ ~ ~
➡➡➡ I have included much more information about Bronisław Owsianko in the footnote at the end of this article. It runs for several pages, so it’s entirely optional reading 😂. But if you’re interested in interwar Poland, communism, and life in the Polish People’s Republic, I think you may find it well worth exploring.
~ ~ ~
As the author wrote:
“The building at 89 Żelazna Street consisted of three interconnected tenement houses. Opposite the last gate lived our family. From 1918 until the police raid in 1927, this apartment was a meeting place for the top leaders of the Party. One could meet Adolf Warski, Wera Kostrzewa, Julian Leński, Stefan Królikowski, Aleksander, Małgorzata and Felicja Fornalska, and many others.
In a later period, in Moscow, comrade Leński once told me that when the workers’ cause triumphs in Poland, the apartment on Żelazna should be turned into a museum, and there would be no space left on the walls to write the names of all those who stayed there. The party archives were kept here, along with the party funds and stamps for producing forged documents. All major party conferences in those years were held in this apartment.”
 |
| This photograph, taken in 1967, shows the school, the playground and a fragment of a building that survived the war, where the Owsianko family lived. |
The article also includes a photograph (from 1967) showing my Elementary School No. 221, the school playground, and a fragment of a pre-war building, with the following caption:
“School at 89 Żelazna Street built next to a fragment of a building surviving wartime destruction, where the Owsianko family lived.”
A small correction here. The school was NOT located on Żelazna Street, but precisely at 42/44 Ogrodowa Street. The building shown in the photo was located much closer to Leszno Street (renamed after the war to Świerczewskiego, today Aleja “Solidarności”). After 1945 many streets in Warsaw changed names — first during the communist period, and later again after 1989 — which often causes confusion in documents and memories.
Looking at pre-war maps of Warsaw, the building at 89 Żelazna Street indeed consisted — as the author writes — of three connected tenement houses, and the surviving fragment was likely its rear section, significantly removed from Żelazna itself.
.jpg) |
| The building at 89 Żelazna Street (first on the right), the next one at 91 Żelazna Street, and the corner building (corner of Żelazna and Leszno Streets), Leszno 79 and 93 Żelazna Street. On the other side of Leszno Street, you can see the building of the "Collegium" High School and Junior High School Society at 84 Leszno Street. The photo was taken in 1941 - then part of the Warsaw Ghetto: you can see a streetcar with a Star of David, and you can also see that pedestrians are wearing armbands. Only the first two buildings survived the war. |
Moreover, the current building at 89 Żelazna Street (52°14'20.6"N 20°59'14.6"E / 52.239056, 20.987389) was built before the war, between 1937–1939. Perhaps part of the earlier structure mentioned by the author had already been demolished then, or perhaps it still adjoined the new building. During the war, this area became part of the Warsaw Ghetto, as did the area on which my school and my apartment block were later built in the 1960s.
 |
| Google Map, with labeled objects mentioned in my blog. Boisko = the school playground. |
At the end of the article, the author writes:
“The year 1948. After many years of difficult wandering, four of the seven surviving members of our family returned to their hometown Warsaw. We went to Żelazna Street. We found traces of the places where we had spent our youth. The front of building no. 89 had survived. Only ruins and part of a side wall remained from the four-storey rear building. The past came alive in memory — underground activity, ‘Żmijka’.
In 1967 we again found ourselves in the courtyard of our home. A new school now stands there. On the school playground, pupils ran carefree after a ball, which in my childhood had been the object of my unfulfilled dreams. Once again, images of the past stood before my eyes…”
Two years later, I too joined those “pupils” on that school playground who were carefree chasing a ball. While attending this school, from the windows of my ground-floor classroom (the last few windows on the right in the photo), I looked every day at the preserved fragment of the building — also visible from my apartment window. So I can say that my building was located a dozen or so meters from the former "Party House" — i.e., the Communist Party Head Office!
 |
| The Gazeta Warszawska Poranna (The Warsaw Morning Gazette), of March 26, 1927, reports, among other things, the smashing of the Communist Central Office at 89 Żelazna Street. It was front-page news! |
It was in a partly ruined state, but still inhabited. Once or twice I even went inside, and it looked truly grim. Later the residents were relocated, and for some time it could be “visited”.
In the 1972/73 school year, tracked construction machines arrived and demolition began. One day we could watch as the main wall of the building collapsed with a crash, raising a cloud of dust.
After the war, “the workers’ cause had supposedly triumphed” — in PRL propaganda this was the official phrase describing the communist system as the alleged fulfilment of working-class ideals — although in reality a new oppressive system had emerged, having little in common with the real interests of workers. The Żelazna apartment was, for obvious reasons, not turned into a museum.
.jpg) |
Żelazna 89, with Żelazna 91 in the distance, 2007. Between the third and fourth windows on the first floor, a dark plaque commemorating this "famous" apartment is visible. It was extremely difficult to see and read. Source: Fotoplska.eu. Author: Balbina. License: CC-BY-NC 3.0
 | Żelazna Street 89, current condition (2020). All that remains of the sign are four barely visible holes above the flower shop and the hairdresser. Source: Wikimedia Commons. Author: Jacek Halicki This file is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Poland license. |
|
Only in
1978 was a small bronze plaque installed on the front wall of the building at
89 Żelazna Street commemorating these events. However, its placement was so unfortunate that it was practically impossible to read or even notice. Although I passed there hundreds of times and waited for buses in front of the building, I never saw it — it was located several meters above the sidewalk.
 |
Here, in the years 1918–1927, in the house then located at 89 Żelazna Street, apartment 63, clandestine meetings of the leadership of the Communist Party of Poland were held. This plaque was installed on the 60th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of Poland. Source: Wikimedia Commons. Author: Joanna Dyr |
I wonder who came up with this idea? Perhaps an elderly member of the Communist Party of Poland who managed to survive “capitalist, Sanation Poland” (interwar authoritarian Poland 1926–1939), police repression, Stalinist purges in the USSR, occupation and war, the Stalinist period in Poland, the brief Gomułka thaw, and later years — and who somehow held on to his beliefs until the Gierek era, when someone finally agreed to commemorate events from 50 years earlier?
If so, fortunately the poor man did not live to see the plaque removed — it would probably have broken his (red) heart… 💘 ⬇(In the footnote below, I offer a personal hypothesis who initiated the installation of this memorial plaque). ⬇
Or perhaps such an almost invisible commemoration was intentional? First, a lower-mounted plaque could be quickly destroyed by “anti-socialist elements”. Second, the fate of most individuals mentioned by Owsianko ended tragically — not because of Polish repression, but due to Stalin’s policy, referred to in propaganda as the “Sun of Humanity”.
✝ ☭ Adolf Warski: on August 21, 1937, the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the USSR sentenced him to death for belonging to the alleged espionage-terrorist POW organization. Executed the same day.
✝ ☭ Wera Kostrzewa: in August 1937 arrested by the NKVD during the Great Purge, and in October sentenced to 10 years in prison. She died in prison in 1939.
✝ ☭ Julian Leński (the one who dreamed of a museum): on June 10, 1937 arrested in Moscow by the NKVD. On September 27, 1937 sentenced to death by the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the USSR for “participation in a Polish espionage-terrorist organization”, executed the same day.
✝ ☭ Stefan Królikowski (his photo appears in “Płomyk” together with the author’s mother, Sabina Owsianko): on May 11, 1937 arrested by the NKVD, accused of belonging to the Polish Military Organization. On August 21, 1937 sentenced to death and executed the same day.
✝ ☭ Jan Lubieniecki (alias Ignacy Rylski) was executed in the USSR in 1937 during Stalinist repression.
✝ ☭ Adam Landy (alias Karol): on January 19, 1937 arrested by the NKVD, on August 21, 1937 sentenced to death and executed the same day.
✝ ☭ M. Amsterdamski (Saul Amsterdam): during the Great Terror accused by the NKVD of counterrevolutionary activity and espionage. Executed on November 1, 1937 in Moscow.
✝ ☭ Aleksander Fornalski: on December 16, 1936 arrested by the NKVD, on August 22, 1937 sentenced to death and executed the same day.
☭ Felicja Fornalska: on December 16, 1936 arrested by the NKVD. Sentenced to 10 years in a labor camp and sent to Kolyma. She was the only one of the siblings to survive the purge, released in 1945 thanks to the intervention of Bolesław Bierut with Stalin.
Kolyma – one of the most infamous Soviet forced-labor camp regions in the Far North of Russia.
Felicja's sister, Małgorzata Fornalska, was involved with Bolesław Bierut, with whom she had a daughter, Aleksandra.
Bolesław Bierut was a Polish communist activist and politician who was the leader of communist-ruled Poland from 1948 until 1956. He was President of the State National Council from 1944 to 1947, President of Poland from 1947 to 1952, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party from 1948 to 1956, and Prime Minister of Poland from 1952 to 1954)].
✝ 卐 Małgorzata Fornalska (Felicja’s sister): on November 14, 1943 arrested by the Gestapo and on July 26, 1944 executed in the ruins of the Warsaw Ghetto.
 |
| Felicja Fornalska in the PWN Encyclopedia |
According to the four-volume PRL-era PWN Encyclopedia from the 1970s, which I still own, the entry on Felicja Fornalska mentions that she was imprisoned in Poland in 1929–1930, but says nothing about her conviction and nine-year imprisonment in Soviet camps.
During the Great Purges in the USSR (1937–1938), almost the entire leadership and most rank-and-file members of the Communist Party of Poland (KPP) present in the Soviet Union were murdered. It is estimated that out of approximately 3,800–5,000 Polish communists, only a few dozen survived the purge.
Almost all members of the Central Committee (CC KPP) summoned to Moscow were executed — around 70 people in total. It is estimated that several thousand Polish party activists at lower and middle levels lost their lives in the USSR. As a result of the physical extermination of the party elite, the Comintern, led by Joseph Stalin, decided in August 1938 to dissolve and liquidate the KPP.
Bronisław Owsianko also mentions surveillance and arrests of Polish communists by the Polish police. However — ironically!!! — from Stalinist terror in the USSR, almost only those communists survived who were at that time serving sentences in Polish prisons.
It is therefore a pity that the author did not thank the Polish police and Polish courts — because despite (justified) repression of KPP members, they in fact saved their lives by keeping them in Polish prisons (which in practice turned out to be a kind of “protection” from later Soviet terror).
 |
Felicja Fornalska (1893-1987) and Marcjanna Fornalska (1870-1963) at the Third Polish United Workers' Party Congress in 1959. Source: Wikimedia Commons-public domain. |
And one more curiosity:
Marcjanna Fornalska (1870–1963) gave birth to six children. In 1932 she moved to Moscow.
✝ ☭ Leon, ✝ ☭ Aleksander, ✝ ☭ Stanisław, and ☭ Feliksa were arrested during the “Great Terror” by the NKVD. Only Feliksa survived, imprisoned in a labor camp.
✝ 卐 Małgorzata was arrested in 1943 by the Gestapo and executed in the ruins of the Warsaw Ghetto.
✝ 卐 Franciszek Fornalski was arrested in 1944 by the Gestapo and murdered in the Gross-Rosen concentration camp.
Marcjanna Fornalska, despite losing five out of six children — including three murdered by the NKVD — joined the PPR (the Polish Workers' Party, Polska Partia Robotnicza, was a communist party in Poland from 1942 to 1948) in 1944 and later the PZPR (the Polish United Workers' Party, Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza, was the communist party which ruled the Polish People's Republic as a one-party state from 1948 to 1989) in 1948. This happened during the period when Stalin still ruled the USSR, responsible for the murder of her children and imprisonment of one of them.
She remained faithful to communist ideals until the end.
Mental illness?
Incidentally, the fate of Marcjanna Fornalska's children brilliantly illustrates the cruelty of the communist and fascist systems. However, I believe the former was in many ways worse than the latter.
 |
| Marcjanna Fornalska in the PWN Encyclopedia |
In the PWN Encyclopedia there is not a single word about the loss of three of Marcjanna Fornalska’s children in the USSR.
It also makes me wonder why the communists did not use the proximity of this building to link it with the Elementary School No. 221, established in 1960. Apart from naming it after one of the activists connected to the nearby communist headquarters, they could have created inside the school a “memory corner” — something like a museum, as comrade Julian Leński dreamed — “and on the walls inscribe the names of all those who stayed here.”
However, such a place would have looked rather macabre if under almost every name there appeared the same year of death, and often also the annotation “rehabilitated.” It would be difficult to explain to 7- to 14-year-olds why this happened. In fact, it would be difficult to explain to adults, too...
For this reason, central party orders from above (the decisions of the communist party leadership, often taken without public consultation) certainly ensured that the site did not become one of the widely known and officially venerated points glorifying the beginnings of the communist movement. Some historical facts were simply better not emphasized, with attention instead directed to more “positive” — and often outright false — aspects of this criminal ideology.
Out of curiosity, I checked the entry “Communist Party of Poland” in the PWN Encyclopedia — I was very curious what the official version of this massacre of Polish communists looked like at the time:
“In 1938, the Executive Committee of the Communist International decided on the temporary dissolution of the KPP on the basis of unfounded accusations. Many leaders and members of the KPP were arrested. The dissolution of the KPP significantly weakened the workers’ movement in Poland on the eve of the war and caused confusion within it. Polish communists, deprived of their party, continued their activity in various social and political organizations.
In 1942 they formed the Polish Workers’ Party, which, operating under new historical conditions, referred to the best traditions of the KPP.
In 1956 — after the 20th Congress of the CPSU — it was acknowledged that the decision to dissolve the KPP had been wrong, and the party and its leaders were rehabilitated.”
[The CPSU = Communist Party of the Soviet Union; the 20th Congress (1956) was when Khrushchev publicly criticized Stalin’s crimes, initiating a limited “de-Stalinization” process].
Incredible! It does NOT even mention that almost all of them were sentenced to death and executed — only “arrested”! This entry is a true masterpiece of communist newspeak, lies and distortion of facts.
IF communists presented such a deeply falsified version of the history of thousands of their murdered “comrades,” covering up their physical liquidation by fellow Soviet authorities, one can only imagine the perfidious and ruthless way in which they distorted the history of their real, alleged or imaginary “enemies.”
This is already not merely the image of a single mental illness, but of a collective epidemic that spread for years among innocent citizens of Poland and other countries, and which led to the creation of an ideological system that for decades functioned in many states and was responsible for tens of millions of human lives.
Fortunately, it was curable…
__________________________________
Footnote for History Enthusiasts
More About the Author of Żmijka — comrade Bronisław Owsianko (Optional Reading 😂)
After writing the article above, I became curious about the author of Żmijka, Bronisław Owsianko (1900–1984). Although he was never one of Poland’s best-known communist figures, I managed to uncover a surprising amount of information about him. His life sheds light not only on his own biography, but also on the mindset of orthodox communists of that era: unwavering faith in communist ideology, unconditional loyalty to the Soviet Union, and acceptance of enormous human sacrifices made in the name of the “victory of the revolution”—even when the victims were close comrades or members of their own families.
 |
Bronisław Owsianko (author) with his sister Lonia. Sabina Owsianko, the author's mother. The front page of "Express Poranny" with news of the liquidation of the communist headquarters in Warsaw in 1927. The photo was published in "Płomyk" in the article "Żmijka" |
Owsianko grew up in a family deeply committed to the communist movement. His mother, Sabina Owsianko, was described in party literature as “an old comrade, always ready to carry out the Party’s orders.” Sabina and the young Bronisław both took part in the technical and logistical preparations for the famous escape of three members of the Communist Party of Poland (KPP)—Leon Purman, Maksymilian Lapon and Mirosław Zdziarski—from Warsaw’s Pawiak Prison in December 1926.
History added a remarkably grim ending to this daring operation. ✝ Lapon died in a Polish prison three years later, while ✝ ☭ Purman and ✝ ☭ Zdziarski were executed during Stalin’s Great Purge in 1933 and 1937—after settling in what they believed was their new socialist homeland, the Soviet Union. The ideology they had served so faithfully ultimately devoured its own followers.
In 1927, the secret headquarters of the KPP Central Committee, located in the Owsianko family apartment at 89 Żelazna Street, Apartment 63, was uncovered by the Polish authorities. The discovery triggered a wave of arrests. Police seized large quantities of illegal publications, correspondence with the Comintern, and organizational documents, leading to criminal trials and prison sentences for numerous communist activists.
[The Comintern (Communist International), headquartered in Moscow, coordinated communist parties around the world and exercised enormous influence over the KPP].
After serving their sentences or being released on bail — decided to cross the border illegally and flee to the Soviet Union. This protected them from further arrests in Poland, but at the same time permanently tied their fate to the Stalinist state apparatus. However, according to biographical information published on the Russian website “Chronos” (https://www.hrono.ru/vvedenie.php), Owsianko himself left for the Soviet Union as early as 1924, something he never mentions anywhere in his publications. He therefore could not have been a direct witness to the events described in the article Żmijka or in his other articles dealing with earlier events.
From 1920 to 1924, Owsianko served in the Polish Army as a non-commissioned officer and subsequently worked in the quartermaster service in Warsaw. At the same time, already during this period, he was cooperating with the Military Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and with Soviet military intelligence (1923–1924). A document written by Heinrich Lauer on November 25, 1924, states: “Owsianko, while serving in the Polish Army, was a member of our military organization, but recently he has devoted himself to serving the Intelligence Directorate.” So, even at such a young age, he was a spy and traitor!
On the orders of Feliks Dzierżyński, he was assigned to the border troops. In 1924–1925, he commanded a unit guarding one of the sections of the Soviet-Chinese border in the Far East. He subsequently served in the Leningrad Military District and, from 1927 to 1930, also worked for the local GPU.
In 1936, he graduated from the Stalin Military Academy of Mechanization and Motorization of the Red Army. According to independent historical studies, he had previously been trained by the Soviet secret services and is therefore sometimes described as a prewar agent of Soviet intelligence.
After graduating from the Academy, he was assigned to work in military intelligence. While remaining at the disposal of the Red Army Intelligence Directorate, he was illegally in Portugal in 1936–1937. In June 1937, he was summoned to Moscow and subsequently transferred to the Red Army reserve. In the second half of 1937, he himself became a victim of repression, yet he escaped the fate of the vast majority of his comrades, who were executed or sent into exile during the Great Purge. Since he was later awarded a commemorative medal for participants in the Spanish Civil War of 1936–1939, I assume that he was somehow sent to Spain. If that was indeed the case, his participation in the Civil War may have contributed to saving his life.
[The Great Purge (1936–1938) was Stalin’s campaign of mass arrests and executions. Hundreds of thousands were killed, including many devoted communists from both the Soviet Union and abroad].
During the war, he served as an officer in Polish military formations created in the USSR under communist control. He returned to Poland after 1948, already holding the rank of colonel.
Bronisław Owsianko spent more than two decades in the Soviet Union — the entire 1930s as well as the period of the Second World War. His stay there encompassed both political and intelligence activities and military service.
In his memoirs, the author mentions his mother, Sabina, his father, Jan, his older brother Adam, and sister Leonia (who was 19 years old in 1927). During the raid on the Central Office in 1927, when the police found incriminating materials during a search, she admitted to possessing them. The entire family was deeply involved in the activities of the Communist Party of Poland. I believe that most of them soon found themselves in the Soviet Union. Interestingly, I have been unable to find any information about their subsequent fate. It is therefore quite possible that some of them fell victim to Stalinist terror — something Owsianko completely fails to mention in his publications. He merely states that, of the eight members of the family, four returned to Poland in 1948. What happened to the other four?
Another interesting biographical detail concerns his marriage. Bronisław’s wife, Krystyna Owsianko, was born Andrieyeva (Андреева). The couple met in Moscow, and after settling permanently in post-war Poland she adopted a Polish form of her first name and her husband’s surname.
Independent historians specializing in the history of the Polish Army and the defense industry agree that after 1945 colonel Owsianko actively participated in introducing the Soviet model of military organization into Poland. In 1947 he became commandant of the Central Scientific Research Proving Ground, later known as the Experimental Station in Sulejówek. There he worked side by side with Red Army officers assigned to Poland. One of the group’s principal tasks was to purge politically “unreliable” personnel from the Polish arms industry and bring it fully under Soviet control.
The head of a similar military engineering training ground was a Soviet officer, Colonel Anatol Paranov. Another Soviet officer, Lieutenant Colonel Kuzma Topolniak, was responsible for explosives and the experimental station. Similarly, in the Air Force, the commandant was a Soviet officer, Colonel Borys Malczaniuk. The Soviet-style reorganization became the basis for the dismissal of many military and civilian employees.
The commanders of the units carrying out work for the army were Soviet officers in Polish uniforms, popularly referred to as "popes"—"acting as Poles" (in Polish: "Pełniący Obowiązki Polaków". This is also a play on words, because in Polish "pop" means a clergyman of the Russian Orthodox Church).
This reflected a trend that was taking place in the Polish People's Republic. In March 1945, "popes" constituted just over half of the officers in the armed forces. By the end of the year, 86% of the army's generals were Soviet officers. In 1949, even the Minister of National Defense, Soviet Marshall Konstantin Rokossovsky, belonged to the "popes" group, a phenomenon even in the Soviet bloc. In other people's democracies, "popes" limited themselves to advisory roles and did not become official members of government. Under such circumstances, independent modernization of the army was out of the question.
[Source: Wynalazki pod kontrolą. Parę uwag o wojskowym zapleczu badawczym po II wojnie światowej (Inventions Under Control: A Few Remarks on Military Research After World War II) by Marcelina Smużewska].
During the 1960s and 1970s, Owsianko transformed his underground experiences into officially approved memoirs and propaganda literature published by the Ministry of National Defence Publishing House (MON). His most important works included:
• Provocateurs and Conspirators (1968; expanded edition 1977) — a book describing the infiltration of the communist movement by the political police and military intelligence of pre-war Poland.
• Escape from Pawiak (1977) — a fictionalized account of the prison escape in which his mother played a significant role.
• The Defence of the Secret Secretariat — an adventure novel for young readers that reinforces the myth of heroic communist underground resistance in the Second Polish Republic.
[MON (Ministerstwo Obrony Narodowej) was the publishing house of communist Poland’s Ministry of National Defence. It produced military history, memoirs, and many books that also served as vehicles for official state propaganda].
Another Remarkable Publication
One publication deserves special attention. In 1977, a book entitled Comrade Józef: Memories of Feliks Dzierżyński was published under the auspices of, among others, the Central Archives of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR). One of its chapters—“A Meeting with Feliks Dzierżyński”—was written by Bronisław Owsianko.
In it, the author describes his alleged personal meeting with the founder and chairman of the Cheka. Did it really take place? It is difficult to verify this today. Communist propaganda very often distorted facts to suit the needs of its own mythology. On the other hand, according to the biography mentioned earlier, “on the orders of Feliks Dzierżyński, he was assigned to the border troops.” It is therefore quite possible that Owsianko really did have a brief meeting with one of the most powerful figures in the Soviet apparatus of terror.
[Feliks Dzierżyński (1877–1926), known as “Iron Felix,” was a Polish-born revolutionary who founded the Cheka, the first Soviet secret police. The Cheka became the predecessor of the NKVD and, eventually, the KGB].
Owsianko as a Communist Publicist
Throughout the communist era, Bronisław Owsianko occasionally published newspaper articles devoted to the history of the Communist Party of Poland. They all share the same unmistakable tone: ideological orthodoxy and an almost unquestioning admiration for everything connected with the KPP.
In 1981, he published The Proletarian Jacobin in Żołnierz Wolności (“Soldier of Freedom”), the official newspaper of the Polish Army. A year later, during martial law, Sztandar Młodych (“Banner of Youth”) printed his articles Poles in Defence of October and The Communist Party of Poland.
[Martial law was imposed in Poland between 1981 and 1983 in an attempt to crush the Solidarity movement and suppress growing opposition to communist rule].
In the April 27, 1981 issue of the weekly Głos Nauczycielski (Teachers' Voice) published in connection with the May Day holiday, an article by Bronisław Owsianko entitled Dom przy ulicy Żelaznej (The House on Żelazna Street) appeared on page 3. In it, the author repeats much of the information previously presented in his article Żmijka.
At the end of the article, he writes:
“To commemorate the comrades, distinguished activists and leaders of the workers’ movement in Wola (a district of Warsaw) and internationally who stayed in this house, a memorial plaque was unveiled. The bronze inscription reads: ‘Here, in the years 1918–1927, in the house then located at 89 Żelazna Street, apartment 63, clandestine meetings of the leadership of the Communist Party of Poland were held. This plaque was installed on the 60th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of Poland.’”
In the same article, Owsianko mentions many members of the Communist Party of Poland who visited this clandestine meeting place — both those already mentioned earlier and several new names. I decided to find out more about what happened to these comrades:
✝ ☭ Jerzy Heryng, pseudonyms Jerzy Ryng and Henryk Jeż (1886–1937). During the Great Purge in 1937, he was arrested by the NKVD on September 29. On December 25, 1937, the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the USSR sentenced him to death on charges of belonging to an anti-Soviet espionage, sabotage, and terrorist organization. He was executed the same day. His body was cremated at the crematorium at Donskoy Cemetery, and his ashes were buried anonymously.
✝ ☭ Edward Próchniak, pseudonym Sewer (1888–1937). During the Great Purge, he was arrested by the NKVD on July 8, 1937. On August 21, 1937, the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the USSR sentenced him to death on charges of “participation in a counter-revolutionary organization.” He was executed the same day. His body was cremated at Donskoy Cemetery, and his ashes were buried anonymously.
✝ ☭ Franciszek Grzelszczak, pseudonym Marcin Grzegorzewski (1881–1937). During the Great Purge in 1937, he was arrested by the NKVD and executed.
✝ ☭ Henryk Lauer, pseudonym “Ernest Brand” (1890–1937). During the Great Purge, he was arrested by the NKVD on May 22, 1937. On August 21, 1937, the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the USSR sentenced him to death on charges of espionage, sabotage, and participation in the Polish Military Organization (POW) espionage organization. He was executed by firing squad the same day. His body was cremated at Donskoy Cemetery, and his ashes were buried anonymously.
✝ ☭ Izrael Gajst. He was executed in the USSR around 1939, shortly after Joseph Stalin and the Comintern ordered the complete dissolution of the Communist Party of Poland.
🍀 Roman Jan Jabłonowski, pseudonym Gruszecki (1886–1963). In 1934, following accusations of Trotskyism, he ended his activities in the Communist Party of Poland (he was lucky!). He did not participate in political life afterward because, due to his position after 1934, he was treated with suspicion by the party leadership. After 1956, his membership rights in the Polish United Workers’ Party (PZPR) were restored.
Of course, Owsianko does not mention a single word about the subsequent fate of these comrades and friends — he remains silent about their murders in the name of the triumph of communist ideology, and presumably also because he did not want to risk falling afoul of the authorities of the Polish People’s Republic.
And, as an aside — this was the first time in my life that I had ever come across Głos Nauczycielski (Teachers' Voice), and I must admit that I was shocked by the articles it contained about Lenin, the Soviet Union, and other similar subjects. It was an incredibly pro-communist and pro-Soviet publication! Thank God our teachers did not try to put the ideology presented in it into practice or use its articles during their school lessons.
And how fantastical and surreal those articles now seem—glorifying communism, Lenin, the Soviet Union, the Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR), Gierek, and an entire system that was already beginning to crumble, when only a few months later an enormous wave of strikes swept across Poland, leading to the birth of Solidarity and exposing the country's catastrophic economic situation.
The article that fascinated me most, however, was an extensive feature entitled “Messengers of the Revolution on Duty,” published in the weekend edition of Życie Radomskie on June 2–3, 1979.
What makes this newspaper particularly remarkable is its front page. The headline announced one of the most important events in modern Polish history:
“Today Pope John Paul II arrives in Poland. We welcome him to his Homeland, in the capital of the Polish People's Republic.”
Meanwhile, on pages five and six, readers were presented with a lengthy article celebrating the first communist deputies in the parliament of the Second Polish Republic. It is difficult to imagine a more symbolic juxtaposition of two completely different visions of Poland.
[John Paul II’s first pilgrimage to communist Poland in June 1979 inspired millions of Poles and is widely regarded as a turning point in the country's peaceful struggle against communist rule].
“Poland Will Become a Semi-Colony…”
Quoting communist deputy Adolf Warski, Owsianko writes:
“In his parliamentary speeches, Warski warned of the danger to Poland’s independence posed by the capitalist world... He compared Poland to a great auction hall... You are turning Poland into a colony or semi-colony of foreign capital.”
How astonishingly ironic those words sound today.
After the Second World War, Poland did indeed lose its sovereignty and became a dependent state—but not of Western capitalism. It became politically, economically, and militarily subordinate to the Soviet Union. The very people who denounced foreign domination eventually became the architects of Soviet domination in Poland--and traitors. Bronisław Owsianko belonged squarely to that group.
“Communists Know Everything”
Another passage genuinely made me smile. Owsianko recounts a debate involving deputy Jerzy Czeszejko-Sochacki:
“During a parliamentary debate on the budget of the Ministry of Agrarian Reform, someone from the right shouted: ‘What do you know about agriculture?’ Sochacki immediately replied: ‘Communists know everything concerning workers and peasants.’”
That sentence instantly reminded me of books describing Communist China during the Cultural Revolution. Workers were often quoted as saying that whenever they encountered a difficult problem, they simply opened Mao Zedong’s Little Red Book, read a few appropriate quotations, and somehow achieved what had previously seemed impossible.
Reality, however, was far more brutal. In the Soviet Union, forced collectivization led to the deaths of millions of peasants through famine and devastated rural life on an unimaginable scale. Against that historical background, the claim that “communists know everything concerning peasants” sounds less like political confidence and more like exceptionally dark irony. Looking back at life throughout the Soviet bloc, it is hard to imagine a better parody of communist propaganda.
A Photograph That Tells a Tragic Story
Owsianko’s article includes a group photograph of the Communist Parliamentary Fraction, taken on December 18, 1924. It shows ten people—nine deputies and one associate.
A brief online search, supported by Wikipedia and historical studies, allowed me to trace their later fates. The results were chilling:
✝ ☭ Six were sentenced to death in the Soviet Union and executed (Łańcucki, Paszczuk, Bej, Królikowski, Prystupa; Wojtiuk was sentenced to 10 years of labour camp in 1933, was tried again in 1937, sentenced to death and executed).
✝ ☭ One committed suicide during Stalin’s purges (Jerzy Czeszejko-Sochacki jumped out of the window of a Moscow prison, leaving a letter with the following content: "I remain faithful to the Party until the end.")
☭ Two individuals spent ten years in Siberian labour camps. One (Erlich) died less than a year after being released in 1945 and the other one (Minkowski) was released in 1946 and died in 1971.
👍 Only Józef Skrzypa (Osyp Skrypa) avoided persecutions and/or death sentence for a very prosaic reason: he fell ill and died in 1929.
✝ ☭ As I mentioned earlier, Adolf Warski also received his own “Stalinist reward” when he was executed in 1937.
It is difficult to avoid the bitter conclusion that the revolution proved most merciless toward its own believers.
How Owsianko Ends His Article
Owsianko concludes with these words:
“Great were the achievements of the messengers of the Polish revolutionary proletariat and the Communist Party of Poland... Through the difficult years of class struggle, from 1920 to 1935, they remained steadfast and fearless in serving the working masses, and their activity forms part of the historic legacy of the class from which they came.”
I must admit that I hardly know how to comment on this.
Nowhere does Owsianko mention what became of most of the very people he praises. He completely ignores the fact that they left Poland for their promised socialist homeland—the Soviet Union—only to be physically annihilated by the same regime they had served so loyally. To me, this is one of the clearest examples of the selective memory with which communist Poland presented its own history.
Even more striking is the fact that Owsianko himself remained faithful to that ideology until the end of his life. After the war, he did not merely support the Soviet system—he actively helped implement it within the Polish Army, contributing to the transformation of Poland into one of Moscow’s satellite states.
In my eyes, Owsianko appears to have been an extremely devious person, willing to completely distort history and conceal the crimes and murders committed by the Soviet Union in the name of communist ideology. He was also a traitor to Poland almost from the moment it regained its independence — as a soldier in the Polish Army, he cooperated with Soviet military intelligence and later completely subordinated his life to the Soviet Union and communist ideology.
My Own Hypothesis About the Plaque at 89 Żelazna Street
Finally, let me offer a personal hypothesis.
In the main article, I wonder who initiated the installation of the commemorative plaque on 89 Żelazna Street in 1978. My strongest suspicion is that it was Bronisław Owsianko himself, then 78 years old.
After all, he was one of the very few surviving people who not only knew the history of that apartment intimately but had personally taken part in the events commemorated there. He had survived Stalin’s purges, the Second World War, and remained a devoted communist while maintaining connections with many influential Party officials.
Most likely he attended the unveiling ceremony, perhaps surrounded by a small group of elderly comrades who had lived long enough to see the Poland they had fought for become reality. Sometimes I imagine him returning to that building years later, pausing beside the somewhat awkwardly placed plaque and remembering the comrades whom history had long since consumed.
And who knows... perhaps, as a boy running on the school playground, walking along Żelazna and Ogrodowa Streets—or patiently waiting beneath that very plaque for a bus to take me to high school between 1977 and 1981—I passed him without ever realizing who he was.
────────────────────────
PART FOUR
────────────────────────
In the next installment:
• Murder of 41 Jews at Żelazna Street 89
• The "well courtyards" of pre-war Warsaw apartment buildings
• The execution of 500 Poles at Żelazna Street 87
• A pre-war building at the corner of Żelazna and Ogrodowa Streets
• Żelazna Street 91: a historical plaque commemorating Karol Kurpiński and a 1941 photograph of a dead Jewish man
• Construction schools on Młynarska Street
• The construction of the office building at Żelazna Street 87—and my impressions of the construction trade as seen through the eyes of a teenager.
***
Blogi są również dostępne w języku polskim/blogs are also available in the Polish language
*****
More from the author
This entry is part of a broader collection of personal research and historical documentation across multiple blogs:
👉 Travel and nature archive/blog/: https://ontario-nature.blogspot.com/